Tobacco Settlement Portends New Day
by Phillip Gardiner, Dr. P.H.
Whatever form the proposed tobacco settlement takes, it will profoundly
impact the lives of all Americans. Whether legal immunity is granted or
not, the tobacco industry landscape could be changed fundamentally in the
years to come. The recent release of RJ Reynolds documents provided unmistakable
evidence that the tobacco industry has, for years, made a practice of targeting
their advertisements toward adolescents. Daily disclosures of unfavorable
documents, coupled with ongoing litigation and the emerging congressional
debate, have all added momentum toward the greater regulation and curtailment
of the tobacco industry.
The initial settlement proposal, a product of a compromise between some
state attorneys general, private lawyers, and a few representatives of the
public health community, provided for the tobacco industry to pay $365 billion
over 25 years to reimburse state Medicaid plans for the cost of treating
tobacco-related disease. The June 1997 proposal also included provisions
to: enact prominent new warning labels; limit tobacco advertising, including
a ban on vending machines and outdoor billboards; end tobacco advertising
that uses human and cartoon characterizations; fine the industry if reductions
in youth smoking rates are not met; and give limited jurisdiction to the
FDA to regulate nicotine, the addictive ingredient in tobacco. The industry
has agreed to these measures provided it is given immunity from future lawsuits.
The proposal is controversial on a number of counts. Tobacco control advocates
pointed out that the June proposal would limit the role of the FDA in regulating
nicotine, and make the proposed $15 billion a year in payouts tax-deductible.
Furthermore, since smoking costs the nation some $100 billion per year,
the proposed settlement falls well short of its stated goals of reimbursing
state coffers.
However, the major stumbling block to any tobacco settlement appears to
be the industrys demand for immunity from all past and most future
litigation, which would require preemption of existing state and local legislation.
This issue has divided not only lawmakers but also the ranks of the public
health community. William Novelli, speaking for the Campaign for Tobacco-Free
Kids, at the TRDRP Annual Investigators Meeting stated: limited liability
protection . . . If we can achieve [public health goals], if they are
on the table, then we are willing to talk about limited liability protection
for past wrongdoings. On the other hand, Dr. Stanton Glantz, speaking
at the same meeting asserted: It is very clear that the ENACT Coalition,
led by Tobacco-Free Kids, is willing to trade away immunity and preemption
to get other things. That to me is fundamentally wrong.
Regardless of its perceived merits and faults, the proposed settlement
has generated much discussion, posturing, and some disclosures since June
of 1997. Three states -Mississippi, Florida, and Texas - have settled
their suits with the tobacco industry, while the much awaited Minnesota
case began in January of 1998. RJ Reynolds has retired Joe Camel
while agreeing to pay the city of San Francisco $10 million dollars for
targeting their advertising toward adolescents. A Federal Court in North
Carolina has held that the FDA does have jurisdiction over the regulation of tobacco
as a drug, but cannot restrict all tobacco advertising. The Koop/Kessler
Committee report, followed by the Presidents recommendations, have
attempted to rectify some of the shortcomings of the June proposal. The
most striking reversal of positions generated by the proposed settlement
is that of the tobacco executives themselves. In 1994, in a picture etched
in time, seven CEOs for the major tobacco companies all testified under
oath that they believed that smoking cigarettes was harmless and non-addicting.
Yet, the majority of the current CEOs have admitted to Congress that smoking
is addictive and national legislation is necessary. Capping off the flurry
of activity surrounding the proposed settlement has been the release of
RJR documents demonstrating that the tobacco industry has been marketing
their products to children for decades.
To further complicate the proposed tobacco settlement, in the 1999 Federal
budget President Clinton has proposed to fund new social programs with tobacco
money. The Clinton administration proposes to fund child care programs,
reduce class sizes, increase the rolls of lower income children on Medicaid,
increase funding for the FDA, and increase NIH research funds by $25 billion
over 3 years, with $400 million earmarked for the CDC to fight smoking.
The Presidents proposal did not mention exactly how this money should
be generated. Neither did the President speak to the issue of immunity/preemption.
The proposed $365 billion tobacco settlement has created more questions
than answers. The only thing that is certain now is that the tobacco industry
and the American public have reached a crossroads. In the coming year,
the public and congressional debate on smoking and tobacco will redefine
our relationship to this industry and its products. And whatever the final
outcome and contours of the tobacco settlement, the fight to reduce smoking
in America will escalate.
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